The Muslim Students Association (MSA) of the United States and Canada, commonly referred to as MSA National, is a prominent organization dedicated to supporting Muslim students on college campuses across North America. Established in 1963, MSA has grown into a network of over 600 chapters, providing community, religious resources, and advocacy for Muslim students. However, its historical ties to the Muslim Brotherhood, a transnational Sunni Islamist organization founded in Egypt in 1928, have sparked significant debate about its origins, ideologies, and activities in the United States. This essay explores the roots of MSA, its alleged connections to the Muslim Brotherhood, its evolution, and its contemporary role in American society, critically examining the evidence and perspectives surrounding its work.
The Muslim Students Association was founded in January 1963 at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign by a group of international Muslim students, primarily from Arabic-speaking and Urdu-speaking backgrounds. The organization emerged during a period of significant global political and social change, including the rise of post-colonial Islamic movements in the Middle East and South Asia. Many of these students were influenced by the ideologies of the Muslim Brotherhood, an organization established by Hassan al-Banna in Egypt to promote a return to Islamic governance and resist Western colonialism through education, social reform, and political activism.
The Muslim Brotherhood’s emphasis on education as a tool for Islamic revival resonated with these students, who sought to create a space for Muslim identity and practice in the secular environment of Western universities. According to historical accounts, key figures such as Ahmed Totonji and Jamal Barzinji, both associated with the Muslim Brotherhood, played pivotal roles in founding MSA. These individuals, originally from Iraqi Kurdistan, had studied in the UK before coming to the United States and brought with them organizational experience from Brotherhood-affiliated student movements. In its early years, MSA distributed English translations of Brotherhood ideologues like al-Banna and Sayyid Qutb at chapter meetings, using these texts to educate and recruit members.
The Brotherhood’s influence extended beyond MSA’s founding. In 1969, Totonji, Barzinji, and Hisham Altalib established the International Islamic Federation of Student Organizations (IIFSO), which aimed to coordinate Muslim student activities globally. This network, supported by Saudi funding through organizations like the Muslim World League (MWL), further solidified the Brotherhood’s ideological footprint in the West. MSA’s early funding also came from the MWL, reflecting the intersection of Brotherhood ideology and Saudi financial support in its formative years.
The Muslim Brotherhood’s core mission, as articulated by al-Banna, was to establish a society governed by sharia (Islamic law) through a gradual, bottom-up approach starting with education and personal reform. This vision is evident in MSA’s early focus on fostering Islamic identity among Muslim students in the United States. The organization provided prayer spaces, organized religious events, and distributed literature to promote an Islamic worldview, often drawing from Brotherhood thinkers. A 1991 Muslim Brotherhood memorandum, uncovered during the Holy Land Foundation trial, explicitly listed MSA as one of “our organizations and the organizations of our friends,” suggesting its role in the Brotherhood’s broader strategy of “Civilization Jihad” to influence Western societies from within.
This memorandum, authored by Brotherhood member Mohamed Akram, outlined a strategy for establishing an Islamic movement in North America through settlement, education, and institution-building. It described MSA as a key component in this effort, emphasizing its role in expanding the “observant Muslim base” and presenting Islam as a “civilizational alternative.” Critics point to this document as evidence of MSA’s alignment with the Brotherhood’s long-term goals, including the promotion of an Islamist agenda in the United States. However, it is critical to note that the memorandum’s claims reflect the perspective of a single individual and may not fully represent MSA’s diverse membership or activities.
MSA’s early activities also included the creation of affiliated organizations, such as the Islamic Society of North America (ISNA), the Islamic Circle of North America (ICNA), and the Muslim American Society (MAS), many of which were founded by former MSA members. These organizations, often linked to the Brotherhood’s network, focused on community-building, advocacy, and religious education, further extending the Brotherhood’s influence in the United States.
MSA’s historical ties to the Muslim Brotherhood have fueled allegations that it serves as a front for extremist ideologies. Critics, including organizations like the Center for Security Policy and the Investigative Project on Terrorism, argue that MSA has been a breeding ground for radicalization. They point to cases of individuals associated with MSA who later engaged in terrorist activities, such as Anwar al-Awlaki, a former MSA member who became an al-Qaeda ideologue, and Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, a member of an MSA chapter in the 1980s who later masterminded the 9/11 attacks. These cases, while notable, represent a small fraction of MSA’s membership and do not necessarily reflect the organization’s broader activities.
The New York Police Department’s (NYPD) surveillance of MSA chapters in the Northeast during the 2000s further amplified these concerns. The NYPD’s 2007 report described MSA as a “potential incubator” for terrorism, citing the age and demographics of its members as risk factors. The surveillance, which included infiltrating MSA events and monitoring Muslim students, drew significant criticism from civil rights groups for unconstitutional profiling and lack of evidence linking MSA to terrorism.
In response, MSA leaders and supporters, including the Muslim American Society, have emphasized that the organization has distanced itself from the Muslim Brotherhood and operates independently. They argue that MSA’s focus is on fostering community, providing religious resources, and advocating for Muslim students’ rights in a post-9/11 climate of heightened scrutiny. For example, MSA’s Islam Awareness Week, initiated in the 1990s, aims to promote understanding of Islam through educational events, interfaith dialogues, and cultural activities, reflecting a commitment to integration rather than radicalization.
Over the decades, MSA has evolved significantly, reflecting the changing demographics and priorities of Muslim students in North America. While its early leadership was heavily influenced by international students with Brotherhood ties, today’s MSA chapters are largely autonomous, with diverse memberships that include American-born Muslims and those from various cultural and sectarian backgrounds. The organization’s national structure, divided into five zones across the United States and Canada, supports local chapters but does not enforce a fixed hierarchy or ideology, allowing for variation in activities and perspectives.
Modern MSA chapters focus on creating inclusive spaces for Muslim students, offering prayer rooms, mental health resources, and opportunities for community service. For instance, the MSA at Queens University of Charlotte emphasizes inclusivity, welcoming students of all backgrounds to explore Islam while fostering connections with local mosques and scholars. However, controversies persist, such as accusations of anti-Semitism related to MSA’s involvement in pro-Palestinian activism, particularly through collaborations with groups like Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP). Critics, such as the Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy (ISGAP), allege that some MSA chapters promote anti-Israel rhetoric linked to Brotherhood ideologies, though these claims are often contested by MSA members who frame their activism as human rights advocacy.
The debate over MSA’s ties to the Muslim Brotherhood reflects broader tensions surrounding the role of Islamist organizations in Western democracies. Critics argue that the Brotherhood’s historical influence on MSA suggests a hidden agenda to promote sharia and undermine Western values. However, this narrative often relies on selective evidence, such as the 1991 memorandum, and overlooks the organization’s evolution. The Muslim Brotherhood itself is not a monolithic entity; it encompasses a range of ideologies, from moderate reformism to more radical interpretations, and its influence in the United States has waned as American Muslim communities have diversified.
Moreover, designating the Muslim Brotherhood as a terrorist organization, as proposed by some U.S. policymakers, could have severe consequences for Muslim American civil society, including MSA. Such a designation risks alienating Muslim students, stifling free speech, and fueling Islamophobia, as argued by organizations like Human Rights Watch and the Carnegie Endowment. These groups contend that MSA’s activities are primarily civic and educational, and broad-brushing them as extremist undermines the rights of Muslim Americans.
The Muslim Students Association’s roots in the Muslim Brotherhood reflect its origins in a specific historical and ideological context, driven by international students seeking to preserve Islamic identity in the West. While early connections to the Brotherhood and its funding networks are well-documented, MSA has evolved into a diverse, student-led organization focused on community-building and advocacy. Allegations of extremism, while serious, often exaggerate the organization’s ties to radicalism, relying on isolated cases rather than systemic evidence. As MSA continues to serve Muslim students in the United States, its challenge lies in balancing its religious mission with the need to address criticisms and navigate a polarized political landscape. Understanding MSA’s complex history requires a nuanced approach that acknowledges its origins while recognizing its adaptation to the needs of modern Muslim American youth.
Editorial comments expressed in this column are the sole opinion of the writer.
