Dissect two pieces alleging Qatari influence on public figures: Roger Simon's Substack article "Time to Find Out Who's Being Paid" (January 12, 2026) and a tweet from @KittrellChuck Bull of the Woods, with bio stating "American Citizen, MAGA Trump supporter! Pro-Israel ! Oil and gas professional".(January 11, 2026).
Both spotlight suspicions of Qatar-funded propaganda, particularly among right-wing influencers and politicians. Simon's piece, published on the "American Refugees" newsletter, builds on a report by Eitan Fischberger about Haaretz journalists Alon Pinkas and Chaim Levinson receiving payments traced to Qatari-linked lobbyists while penning pro-Qatar columns.
It escalates into broader accusations, quoting Qatar's former Prime Minister Hamad bin Jassim admitting to journalists on payroll worldwide. Simon implicates U.S. figures like Tucker Carlson (for praising Qatar amid its Muslim Brotherhood ties) and references congressional junkets, Nancy Pelosi's trips, and a surge in antisemitism possibly orchestrated by Doha. He calls for a DOJ probe, framing Qatar as an Islamist imperial force "buying" academia, media, and politics with its $330 billion Al Thani fortune.
The tweet from @KittrellChuck, an oil professional and MAGA supporter, directly questions payments to Carlson, Megyn Kelly, Candace Owens, comedian Dave Smith, and GOP politicians Marjorie Taylor Greene, Matt Gaetz, and Thomas Massie. It's a speculative "just asking questions" post in response to Fischberger's thread with replies echoing suspicions but offering no proof.
Critically, both pieces exemplify the echo-chamber dynamics of online conservative discourse. Simon's article blends factual reporting—like the Haaretz scandals—with conspiratorial leaps, such as linking Pelosi's wealth growth (from $3 million in 1987 to $280 million today) to Qatari visits without evidence. It's heavy on rhetoric, portraying Qatar as a demonic enabler of global Islamism, but light on verifiable U.S.-specific ties beyond anecdotes.
Both tap into legitimate concerns about foreign lobbying, especially as Qatar's soft power—via Al Jazeera's 450 million viewers and massive U.S. investments—raises ethical red flags in an era of eroding media trust.
Using public records, a compelling case emerges that Qatar has systematically courted right-wing influencers and politicians to align U.S. policy with its interests, often through lavish funding and access. Since Donald Trump's 2016 election, Doha has poured nearly $250 million into 88 registered lobbying and PR firms, per Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA) disclosures.
This surge followed a 2017 blockade by Saudi Arabia and allies, prompting Qatar to target Trump's circle. A Wall Street Journal investigation revealed Qatar's "unconventional lobbying" aimed at 250 Trump influencers, blending direct payments, luxury trips, and media placements to counter the blockade and soften U.S. stances on its Hamas and Muslim Brotherhood ties.
Post-2024 election, Qatar ramped up outreach to conservative media by over 50%, per Jerusalem Post analysis, focusing on outlets like Fox News to seed favorable narratives.
DOJ documents show Qatari agents embedding in right-wing ecosystems, including paid segments and op-eds.
For instance, after the blockade, Qatar spent $16.3 million on U.S. lobbying in 2017 alone—up from $4.2 million—hiring firms like Mercury Public Affairs to court GOP figures.
By 2025, total spending hit $225 million, funding policymaker courting and press influence.
Specific to the named figures, public scrutiny has intensified. Tucker Carlson's 2023 Doha interview praising Qatar's "beauty" and safety drew backlash, especially given his reported house-hunting there amid Qatari investments in his ventures.
Candace Owens faced similar questions after pro-Qatar comments, with critics like Laura Loomer alleging funding ties to her anti-Israel stances.
A December 2025 Independent report detailed a luxury MAGA influencer trip to Qatar, including figures aligned with Trump, sparking internal rifts—Loomer called it a "payoff" for pro-Doha messaging.
Politicians like Greene, Gaetz, and Massie have echoed isolationist views that indirectly benefit Qatar by opposing U.S. interventions against its allies, though direct payments remain unproven. Qatar's $12 million+ since 2023 on lobbyists has facilitated such alignments, including junkets to Doha.
Qatar's strategy extends to academia ($1.8 billion to U.S. universities since 2001) and think tanks, blurring lines between influence and bribery.
This "quiet campaign" reshapes narratives, as noted by the Middle East Forum, prioritizing Doha's interests over U.S. security.
While not all right-wing voices are "bought," the pattern—lavish access for softened criticism—undermines independence. As Simon and Chuck highlight, transparency is overdue; FARA loopholes allow shadow influence, demanding reforms to safeguard discourse from foreign paymasters.
